India’s response to the 7 May Pahalgam terror attack, which killed 26 civilians, was swift and strategically calculated. Operation Sindoor was launched to dismantle terrorist infrastructure across Pakistan and PoJK. It also pushed back Pakistani retaliation and inflicted damage on key military facilities.
“We achieved, I would say, almost 100% of what we set out to do,” Defence Secretary Rajesh Kumar Singh told ANI in an exclusive interview.
Singh said the operation was driven by deep coordination between the armed forces and intelligence agencies. “This particular operation was characterised by tremendous tri-service synergy, as well as synergy with the intelligence agencies,” he said. Nine high-priority targets were struck with precision on the first night, following fifteen days of intensive planning and surveillance.
India assumes strategic control of conflict escalation
Operation Sindoor wasn’t just a retaliation. It was designed to send a broader message—that India now controls the escalation ladder.
“We will decide the time and place. We are not leaving it to the terrorists to decide time and place,” Singh said. This, he explained, is part of a shift toward “escalation dominance”.
“The surprise is always on the side of the terrorist,” he said. “But by establishing this escalation dominance on our side, we are ensuring that they should realise that there will be a response… time, place, everything – would be in our hands.”
India’s strategy is no longer reactive. It is calibrated and forward-looking.
Indigenous weapons took centre stage
Operation Sindoor was also a showcase of India's maturing defence technology. Singh emphasised how Indian systems played a central role.
“We were using a mix of foreign-origin and indigenous weapons effectively. And the indigenous weapons that were used did very well, and BrahMos, in fact, was probably, you could even call it a game changer,” he said.
Singh highlighted the effectiveness of the Akash missile system and the retrofitted air defence units used to counter drones and low-flying aircraft. “Indian origin weapons, some of them worked very well. I mean, BrahMos did amazing. Akash also did very well,” he said.
He added that Indian forces were not just ready, but confident. “They were very confident in terms of their capacity and their ability to access the precision standoff weapon we needed for this operation.”
A measured, calculated punishment
India’s strikes were not symbolic or limited. They were designed to cripple operational leadership and command centres.
“This particular barbaric atrocity would be answered and answered in such a way… we will not be confining ourselves to the foot soldiers or to some remote camps. We will be going after the headquarters, going after the leaders,” Singh said.
He added that Operation Sindoor was about scripting a new kind of response—one that doesn’t just retaliate, but disorients.
Pakistan’s attempted retaliation and eventual ceasefire plea
Pakistan initially refused communication after India’s first night of strikes. “On the first night after the strike, they refused even to talk to our DGMO,” Singh said. “They only said to just wait for our response.”
However, the mood shifted once India struck deeper. “They were the ones who came forward asking for time, asking whether we would be willing to meet them and talk to them. And thereafter, of course, asking for a cessation of the hostilities,” he said.
Singh confirmed the sequence is well documented. “They are the ones who came forward, who asked for time and thereafter essentially asked for a ceasefire,” he added.
He said Pakistan’s military treated the terrorists as part of their own assets. “They did respond to our limited calibrated strikes only on their terrorist quarters and infrastructure by trying to hit our military establishment. In a sense, they took ownership of the terrorists as being one of their assets,” Singh said.
Pakistani airbases took a serious hit
Singh pointed out that India’s strikes on Pakistan’s military infrastructure had lasting effects. “The fact that we were able to hit their most important air bases, including the one at Noor Khan, itself should make it very clear that these were fairly significant losses that they suffered,” he said.
“Many of those airfields are still out of commission. There are other assets that have been damaged as well as significant casualties as well,” he added.
Budget growth and the absorption challenge
Singh acknowledged that India’s defence budget has steadily grown, particularly for modernisation. But the bigger challenge, he said, lies in using those funds effectively.
“Our budget has been growing at a rate of about 7 per cent. I’m talking only about the modernisation capital budget,” he said. However, he pointed out that, “in many years, we've ended up surrendering money.”
This year, that changed. “We actually fully utilised our revised estimate,” he said. More significantly, India signed defence contracts worth ₹2 lakh crore—double the previous high of ₹1 lakh crore in 2023–24.
“But unless you speed up procurements, unless you do the contract signings, then get after the vendors to ensure that those contracts are fulfilled… your absorptive capacity itself is a bigger constraint than the budgetary constraint,” Singh said.
India’s defence manufacturing has reached new milestones. According to Singh, defence production hit a record ₹1.27 lakh crore in FY 2023–24.
This industrial push is backed by 16 Defence Public Sector Undertakings, more than 430 licensed firms, and around 16,000 micro, small and medium enterprises.
This growing ecosystem ensures India can rely more on its own capabilities in future operations.
“We achieved, I would say, almost 100% of what we set out to do,” Defence Secretary Rajesh Kumar Singh told ANI in an exclusive interview.
Singh said the operation was driven by deep coordination between the armed forces and intelligence agencies. “This particular operation was characterised by tremendous tri-service synergy, as well as synergy with the intelligence agencies,” he said. Nine high-priority targets were struck with precision on the first night, following fifteen days of intensive planning and surveillance.
India assumes strategic control of conflict escalation
Operation Sindoor wasn’t just a retaliation. It was designed to send a broader message—that India now controls the escalation ladder.
“We will decide the time and place. We are not leaving it to the terrorists to decide time and place,” Singh said. This, he explained, is part of a shift toward “escalation dominance”.
“The surprise is always on the side of the terrorist,” he said. “But by establishing this escalation dominance on our side, we are ensuring that they should realise that there will be a response… time, place, everything – would be in our hands.”
India’s strategy is no longer reactive. It is calibrated and forward-looking.
Indigenous weapons took centre stage
Operation Sindoor was also a showcase of India's maturing defence technology. Singh emphasised how Indian systems played a central role.
“We were using a mix of foreign-origin and indigenous weapons effectively. And the indigenous weapons that were used did very well, and BrahMos, in fact, was probably, you could even call it a game changer,” he said.
Singh highlighted the effectiveness of the Akash missile system and the retrofitted air defence units used to counter drones and low-flying aircraft. “Indian origin weapons, some of them worked very well. I mean, BrahMos did amazing. Akash also did very well,” he said.
He added that Indian forces were not just ready, but confident. “They were very confident in terms of their capacity and their ability to access the precision standoff weapon we needed for this operation.”
A measured, calculated punishment
India’s strikes were not symbolic or limited. They were designed to cripple operational leadership and command centres.
“This particular barbaric atrocity would be answered and answered in such a way… we will not be confining ourselves to the foot soldiers or to some remote camps. We will be going after the headquarters, going after the leaders,” Singh said.
He added that Operation Sindoor was about scripting a new kind of response—one that doesn’t just retaliate, but disorients.
Pakistan’s attempted retaliation and eventual ceasefire plea
Pakistan initially refused communication after India’s first night of strikes. “On the first night after the strike, they refused even to talk to our DGMO,” Singh said. “They only said to just wait for our response.”
However, the mood shifted once India struck deeper. “They were the ones who came forward asking for time, asking whether we would be willing to meet them and talk to them. And thereafter, of course, asking for a cessation of the hostilities,” he said.
Singh confirmed the sequence is well documented. “They are the ones who came forward, who asked for time and thereafter essentially asked for a ceasefire,” he added.
He said Pakistan’s military treated the terrorists as part of their own assets. “They did respond to our limited calibrated strikes only on their terrorist quarters and infrastructure by trying to hit our military establishment. In a sense, they took ownership of the terrorists as being one of their assets,” Singh said.
Pakistani airbases took a serious hit
Singh pointed out that India’s strikes on Pakistan’s military infrastructure had lasting effects. “The fact that we were able to hit their most important air bases, including the one at Noor Khan, itself should make it very clear that these were fairly significant losses that they suffered,” he said.
“Many of those airfields are still out of commission. There are other assets that have been damaged as well as significant casualties as well,” he added.
Budget growth and the absorption challenge
Singh acknowledged that India’s defence budget has steadily grown, particularly for modernisation. But the bigger challenge, he said, lies in using those funds effectively.
“Our budget has been growing at a rate of about 7 per cent. I’m talking only about the modernisation capital budget,” he said. However, he pointed out that, “in many years, we've ended up surrendering money.”
This year, that changed. “We actually fully utilised our revised estimate,” he said. More significantly, India signed defence contracts worth ₹2 lakh crore—double the previous high of ₹1 lakh crore in 2023–24.
“But unless you speed up procurements, unless you do the contract signings, then get after the vendors to ensure that those contracts are fulfilled… your absorptive capacity itself is a bigger constraint than the budgetary constraint,” Singh said.
India’s defence manufacturing has reached new milestones. According to Singh, defence production hit a record ₹1.27 lakh crore in FY 2023–24.
This industrial push is backed by 16 Defence Public Sector Undertakings, more than 430 licensed firms, and around 16,000 micro, small and medium enterprises.
This growing ecosystem ensures India can rely more on its own capabilities in future operations.
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